Showing posts with label wind energy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label wind energy. Show all posts

The cost of renewable energy

THE ECONOMIST recently published an article about the costs and benefits of various kinds of zero- and low-carbon energy, “Sun, wind and drain”. The article was based on research by Charles Frank of the Brookings Institution (whose paper is here). 

Dr Frank, citing the work of Paul Joskow of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, argued that the usual way of calculating energy costs—so-called “levelised costs”, or the total capital and operating cost of a generating unit over its lifetime—was flawed when applied to renewable-energy sources and therefore not a useful way of comparing different methods of generating power. He used a different method of calculating costs: a cost-benefit analysis in which the costs include the cost of supplying power when an energy source is not working (for example, solar panels at night) and the benefits include the value of carbon emissions avoided by zero- or low-carbon generation (ie, saved because a coal- or gas-fired plant would have produced a certain amount of carbon dioxide in generating the same amount of energy).

Dr Frank concluded that, using his cost-benefit figures, solar power is the most expensive way of reducing carbon emissions, followed by wind power. Then comes hydropower and nuclear plants. The most efficient way of cutting carbon, on his figures, is through a technology called gas combined cycle (gas CC, an especially efficient sort of gas-fuelled plant).

Dr Amory Lovins, the chairman and chief scientist of the Rocky Mountain Institute, a non-profit organisation in Colorado, took issue with Dr Frank’s study and with The Economist for having written an article about it. His letter to The Economist is here. Other criticisms by him are here. And here. And here.

Dr Lovins makes several points but perhaps the central one is that the statistics Dr Frank uses are wrong, misleading and out of date. He says the capital costs of solar and wind power are only about half what Dr Frank says they are. The proper figures, Dr Lovins argues, make solar and wind power look more efficient than other technologies, not less.

Dr Lovins cites figures for the capital cost of solar from the US Department of Energy. These show that the weighted average capital cost of 113 utility-scale solar projects completed in 2012 was $3,900 per kilowatt (KW). Dr Frank used figures from the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), also part of the Department of Energy. Their estimate was $3,873 per KW—very similar to Dr Lovins’s preferred figure.

On the capital cost of wind, Dr Lovins again cites the US Department of Energy, in this case its Wind Technologies Market Report, which calculated the weighted average capital cost of 118 wind projects in 2012 to be $1,940/KW. Dr Frank’s again uses the EIA, whose figure is $2,213/KW. That is 14% higher, not 100% higher.

Dr Lovins is correct about one thing: Dr Frank’s numbers are rather old. They come from the EIA’s Annual Power Report, published in December 2013. This report did not give actual figures for capacity factors for wind and solar power (the capacity factor of a power plant is the ratio of energy produced to the capacity of the plant). It merely estimated them, and Dr Frank used these estimates. Since then the EIA has published actual capacity factors for wind and solar—and these do indeed, make wind and solar look better, as Dr Lovins claims. But not all that much.

Dr Frank has recalculated his figures using actual, rather than estimated, numbers. In his original paper, he reckoned the overall costs of solar power were a whopping $188,800 per MW per year more than a similar-sized coal plant (ie, adding up all the costs and benefits, solar power was that much more expensive than coal). Using the new numbers, he finds that solar’s net cost is lower: $158,800 per MW per year, compared with coal. That is an improvement of $30,000 per MW per year, though it is still a net cost. In the original study, wind energy cost $25,300 per MW per year more than coal. With the new figures, the net costs become net benefits: $31,200 per MW per year cheaper than coal. Even so, wind and solar are still less beneficial than the alternatives which Dr Franks considers. Compared with coal, hydropower is $156,800 per MW per year cheaper using the new numbers (before, it had been $180,400 cheaper). Nuclear is $261,300 cheaper (previously $318,600). And gas CC is $476,600 cheaper (before, $535,400). In other words, the new figures reduce the benefits of the other technologies and improves the efficiency of renewables. But it does not alter the ranking: gas CC, nuclear and hydropower are still more cost effective at cutting emissions than wind and solar. And the gap between them and the others is still fairly large.

Readers may be forgiven for being baffled by these conflicting numbers, which also change all the time. The original Economist article conceded that “there are, of course, all sorts of reasons to choose one form of energy over another” and arguments will doubtless continue about the relative merits of different sorts of no- and low-carbon power generation. But so far nothing in the new calculations seems to provide a strong reason for changing the article’s main conclusion: “governments should target emissions reductions from any source, rather than focus on boosting certain kinds of renewable energy.”

Source: http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2014/08/cost-renewable-energy

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Wisconsin: The Latest Solar Energy Battleground

Wisconsin Solar Utility Battle
A big storm is brewing in Wisconsin. We a€™re not talking snow or rain €" this one is about the sun.
An attack on solar

You might not expect a state with just a few hundred solar installations to become the next solar battleground. But utility We Energies is attempting an attack on solar €" and on all its electric customers €" so extreme that it'€™s making headlines around the country.
Here’s what We Energies has proposed:
  • Increase the fixed cost for all residential and small commercial customers 75%, from $9 a month to $16 a month.
  • Reduce the variable rate for all customers from $0.139/kwh to $0.1349/kwh.
  • Change net metering from annual to monthly netting, and greatly reduce the price credited for clean energy systems from the retail rate of 14 cents/kwh to the “avoided cost” rate, about 3 cents/kwh.
  • Impose a new charge on clean energy system owners of $3.80 per kW per month.
  • Ban third-party ownership for solar and wind systems.
As in other states, the utility is arguing that solar customers aren'€™t paying their fare share to maintain the grid. Given how few solar customers the state has, they are hardly a drain on resources. However, while We Energies says it supports renewable energy, its actions indicate that it'€™s worried that solar will take off in Wisconsin as it has in other states.

Implications
The We Energies plan would put a major damper on solar in the state. The charge of $3.80 per kW each month adds up to about $220 a year for a 5 kW system. We'€™ve seen in Arizona that even a small charge of $5 a month can affect solar uptake. This much bigger fee would certainly deter potential solar customers" not to mention unfairly penalize those who already have solar. And that'€™s not even accounting for the huge cut in the net metering rate that the utility is proposing.

Then there's the ban on third-party ownership €" which, while it may be giving way just a bit to ownership via loans, has been a major factor in spreading solar around the country. States without it have much less residential solar, and it can also be key in helping small businesses, nonprofits, and schools go solar.

Bryan Miller, co-chair of The Alliance for Solar Choice (TASC) and Vice President of Public Policy and Power Markets for Sunrun, told us, €œWe'€™ve seen anti-solar proposals from monopolists around the country, but nothing this extreme. This would make Wisconsin the most anti-solar state in the country.

Those are the anticipated effects just on solar in the state. Another concern is that the proposal would discourage energy conservation. It would also penalize those who have already made efforts to lower their energy use €" and their power bills.

Opposition
Reactions, not surprisingly, have been strong. What’s striking is the range of parties speaking out against the proposal.

One is, of course, TASC, which is intervening in the case despite an attempt by We Energies to prevent it from doing so. TASC spokesperson Gracie Walovich pointed out another issue in the case: “To add insult to injury, We Energies is executing these attacks while also pursuing a $9.1 billion merger with Integrys to expand its monopoly. The solar attacks raise serious concerns about whether We Energies has its customers'€™ best interests in mind, and whether they can be trusted to expand their monopoly.

Public opposition to the proposal has been overwhelming. Although the We Energies territory has only 467 net metering customers, over 5000 people have signed an online petition and over 500 have gone to the greater trouble of submitting public comments. At a press event last Monday outside the We Energies headquarters in Milwaukee, about 50 people showed up to stand for solar choice in the state €" despite rainy weather.

The AARP has spoken out against the proposal. This is significant because seniors on a fixed income would be adversely affected by the plan, whether or not they have solar. They tend to be low energy users, so the higher fixed rates would be hard on them. Seniors also trying to save with solar would be hit with a double whammy.

In addition to individuals and citizen groups, businesses throughout Wisconsin have weighed in against the proposal€" including Johnson Controls, the state™'s largest business.

Where it gets even more interesting is with the entrance into the fray by Debbie Dooley, national coordinator with the Tea Party Patriots in Georgia. Some tea party members like her have become involved in supporting solar as a free-market and energy freedom issue. Dooley, who traveled to Wisconsin to stand for solar and oppose the We Energies plan, told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel,  €œIf you’re a free-market conservative, you don't protect monopolies from competition.

Miller pointed out that even an expert from the Wisconsin Public Service Commission (PSC) has recommended not adopting the proposal. œThe commission'€™s pro-business reputation is at stake in this decision,€ he told us. œIt'™s not just the solar industry that'€™s weighed in against it, but also the state'™s largest company and the commission'€™s own expert.

He added that the proposed Integrys merger '€œis one of the largest in American history. This is bullying by an enormous monopoly.'€ The rate change proposal, he noted, will be front and center in the merger case.

Next steps
The We Energies proposal is far from a done deal. Next week a hearing is scheduled for the parties, and on September 23 the Milwaukee Common Council will vote on a resolution calling on the governor to use his influence to ensure the PSC does not support the plan. The public will have a chance to voice their views on October 8, after which the PSC is set to come up with a decision matrix on October 17. The PSC is expected to make a decision by the end of the year.

The fight against the proposal is going strong. It'€™s heartening to see such a long and diverse list of solar supporters seeking to stop the We Energies proposal. It's also disconcerting to see such an extreme plan proposed in the first place.

Attacks on solar like this go against what Americans want. A recent bipartisan poll in Wisconsin and other Midwestern states echoed others around the country, with 93% of those polled saying that home and business owners should have the right to install solar and pay for it in the way they choose.
But We Energies seems to be ignoring this fact. As Dooley told ThinkProgress, It'™s very clear they’re not looking out for the best interest of their customers, they’re looking out for the best interest of their stockholders.

Some utilities have been forward-thinking and embraced solar. It'™s time for We Energies and others to join them. It'™s time for all utilities to wake up to the reality that solar is a force that can't be stopped.
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The Case for Electric Vehicles, Part 2: EV Costs

'A World Without Petrol' Art Exhibition Launches In Sydney
Electric Vehicles today are considered to be more expensive to purchase than their Internal Combustion Engine counterparts. But the purchase price of EV’s versus ICE vehicles tells an incomplete story about the comparative costs.

While none of the EV’s on the market today are cheap, they are competitively priced for their class of vehicle. The Tesla Model S is the best equipped and most expensive EV on the market, as a luxury sedan it competes with the Mercedes Benz S-Class, BMW 7 Series, and Porsche Panamera all of which are in the $70,000 â€" $90,000+ price range. The Chevy Volt plug in hybrid EV has an MSRP of $35,000, and the Nissan LEAF EV lists at $29,800, comparable to cars of similar size and features.
EV’s are much simpler mechanically than ICE vehicles with far fewer parts and requiring less maintenance. The perceived expense of EV’s is almost entirely in the cost of batteries and as battery prices come down with expanding production, then overall EV costs will come down as well. Electricity is much less expensive than gasoline or diesel so powering an EV is much cheaper than filling up an ICE vehicle.
Tesla-Model-S-internals+motor
Tesla Model S Chassis Rear Showing Motor and Inverter, photo by author
The Tesla Model S has remarkably few mechanical parts, while combustion vehicles have thousands of discrete parts that make up the engine, fuel system, transmission, drive train and exhaust. Tesla displays a stripped down Model S in their stores with just the mechanical parts installed, for anyone accustomed to complex mechanical aspects of cars it is a surprising contrast. Despite the sophistication of the engineering, the final package is remarkably simple and implies that costs can be reduced as manufacturing expands and matures. 
 
The electric motor is not much bigger than a watermelon and is matched up with the DC-AC inverter and single-speed gearbox in a very compact space between the rear wheels. This setup provides direct power to the rear wheels and also handles the regenerative braking. The battery is wide and flat and covers the entire bottom of the frame between the four wheels. The battery and inverter are liquid cooled with a reservoir and pump. Under the front side of the car are the rest of the mechanical components: vacuum pump for air suspension, ABS compressor, steering motor, AC compressor and double wishbone suspension. Along with conventional brakes and wheels, those are effectively all the parts that make the car go. There are large trunks for storage in both the front and back of the car and the interior is very roomy with comfortable seating for 5.
dodge tesla inerds
Tesla Model S Chassis Front Showing Pumps, Compressors and Liquid Coolant Reservoir, photo by author
Besides these mechanical parts there is a Linux based computer system with 17” touchscreen on the dash that controls basically everything; from the AC to the radio, windows, locks and GPS. In many ways the Tesla Model S could be described as a smartphone on wheels with a motor. Much of the maintenance required on the Model S is software based such as updates, reboots and firmware upgrades. The auto mechanic of the future will need to know as much about IT as wrenches and grease.

The single biggest cost component on the Model S and all EVs is the battery pack. Tesla does not reveal precise costs on their batteries but there is a cottage industry of analysts trying to determine what those costs are. Some estimates in the media have placed the cost around $400 per kWh, or $34,000 for the 85 kWh version while others estimate the costs are well below $200 per kWh. In an interview with Barron’s online Telsa CEO Elon Musk claimed that improvements will bring the cost of the Model S battery to $10,000-$12,000, below $200 per kWh. An interesting analysis at Green Car Reports estimated Tesla’s cost conservatively at $171 per kWh with prices collapsing.

Tesla recently announced that they will be constructing the world’s largest lithium-ion battery factory in Nevada, named the Gigafactory. Planned production at the Gigafactory of battery cells by 2020 will exceed the entire industry’s production in 2013. Tesla estimates that cost per kWh will be reduced by over 30%. The Gigafactory will also have facilities for recycling batteries.

It is known that Tesla developed their own proprietary lithium-ion battery architecture and it has proven to be far ahead of the competition in cost and performance. While most of the EV industry chose to go with large battery cells, Tesla went against the grain to use small cylindrical cells manufactured by Panasonic (their partner in the Gigafactory) for laptop computers that are cheaper, more energy dense, and safer (because they contain less energy per cell). Tesla completely redesigned the battery packaging to make it simpler and reduce manufacturing costs. A liquid cooling system was developed that helps to maintain cell life but is also an important safety feature as it helps to dissipate heat if any one cell were to catch fire and prevents the fire spreading. The smaller, safer cells allowed Tesla more flexibility in arranging the battery pack enabling them to create the large slab that covers the undercarriage rather than bulky batteries that eat into interior space.
dodge tesla battery
Tesla Chassis Showing Battery, photo by Tesla
Replacement costs for EV batteries remain somewhat murky. Most EV’s are new enough that owners have not been faced with the issue yet. Conventional wisdom is that the batteries will retain 70%-80% of their storage capacity when retired from automotive use and will still have market value for stationary applications. Batteries can also be reconditioned by replacing individual faulty cells. Battery swap services, of which Tesla advertises but has not brought to market yet, offer compelling new business model opportunities where batteries are leased or paid for via service contract and simply swapped out as needed without requiring a large outlay of cash by the vehicle owner. The Tesla Model S battery can be swapped out in 90 seconds. Ultimately the materials in lithium-ion batteries can be completely recycled and remanufactured, but the business models for battery replacements are still emerging.

One unambiguous cost is the cost to charge an EV which is a fraction of filling up a conventional car with gasoline or diesel and presents one of the most compelling arguments for consumers to switch to EV’s. The US Dept of Energy uses an eGallon to represent the electrical equivalent of one gallon of gasoline and rates an eGallon as roughly one-third the cost of gasoline. Electricity prices vary across the country and by time of day but they are far less volatile than gasoline prices which are tied to international markets and geopolitical events.

Tesla offers free charging at their Supercharger stations for all of their customers for the life of their cars which sweetens the deal, especially compared to the competition Mercedes Benz S550 which gets 19 miles to the gallon and costs roughly $1,900 in fuel to drive 10,000 miles.

Maintenance requirements on EV’s are much lower than ICE vehicles saving owners significant time and expense. Though combustion engines have become much more reliable in recent years they are still very complex machines with many fluids and moving parts that wear and eventually need maintenance. A cursory review of engine components and common ICE maintenance includes: oil changes every 3000-5000 miles, transmission fluid must be checked and changed at 100,000 miles, radiator coolant must be checked, spark plugs and wires, timing belt, muffler and exhaust system, catalytic convertors, fuel pump, alternator, clutches on manual transmissions, and of course regular trips to the gas station. EV’s eliminate all of these parts and reduce maintenance costs and time dramatically for the owners. EV’s share brakes and tires in common with ICE vehicles, but the regenerative braking saves much wear on EV brakes extending their lives. Increased computerization of EV’s means a greater reliance on software and increased potential for computer glitches bringing a new category of maintenance to EV’s and even raises the potential for them to be hacked by criminals, something to be aware of.

In the final analysis, EV’s offer a compelling cost saving argument over conventional ICE vehicles, even if all the advantages are not available today. The single biggest cost factor holding up EVs is battery costs, but these costs are projected to fall as manufacturing expands. On mileage and maintenance costs the advantages of EVs are already clear and present today. Charging infrastructure needs to and will continue to expand, but in these early days there are gaps in coverage. An industry standard for DC high-speed charging will greatly facilitate a wide expansion in convenient charging locations for all EVs.
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Are Rebound Effects a Problem for Energy Efficiency?

Rebound Efficiency
The New York Times got the headline wrong in "The Problem With Energy Efficiency," an October 8th op ed by Michael Shellenberger and Ted Nordhaus, but the authors are right that the rebounds in energy demand triggered by efficiency improvements are real, typically significant, and should force a careful rethinking of the role of energy efficiency in global climate mitigation efforts.

Rebound effects are only “a problem” for energy efficiency if you believe efficiency’s unalloyed goal is to cut energy consumption. But that’s hardly the case.

Think of increased efficiency as an improvement in “energy productivity,” and we would expect and even welcome “rebounds” in demand for energy, just as we do for labor productivity. (No one ever bemoaned a rebound in labor demand following productivity improving factory upgrades, for example!).

Improving the productivity at which we use energy resources simply means we are getting more energy services out of our resources than ever before. That makes energy even more valuable, and it makes perfect since that we would want to make even more use of this valuable resource.
Overall, improving energy productivity is thus great news, regardless of whether it cuts energy use, helps us get even more value out of the same amount of energy use, or some combination thereof. And that is exactly why taking rebound effects seriously should do nothing to undermine the business case for energy efficiency.

If you’ve been following the online kerfuffle over the “Problem” op ed last week and keeping score at home, you’ll know that I’m leveling an explicit critique here at the headline of the column (although the authors themselves did not argue efficiency was “a problem,” and to the contrary, lauded it’s contributions to expanding energy access and fueling global economic productivity and development).

But this is also a clear criticism of those who see efforts to take rebound seriously as a threat and try to dismiss the clear evidence for significant rebound effects at every turn.
Energy efficiency advocates should also take note: don’t build your case for efficiency by arguing its value is solely in reducing energy use. That’s just not how efficiency (aka productivity) works, nor should it be.

I've reviewed nearly 100 peer-reviewed and academic articles on the topic, and the consensus is clear: while rebound effects don’t undermine the case for efficiency, taking rebound seriously does force us to rethink the role of energy efficiency in confronting climate change.

The public debate over rebound effects is complicated by the fact that the magnitude of rebound varies from context to context, so it’s difficult to generalize about the scale of rebound, but I’ll try to provide the best summary I can here…

In rich, developed countries, where energy is plentiful and demand for energy services widely fulfilled, rebound effects most likely erode 20-70% of the original energy savings from various efficiency measures. (Even then, there are some outliers on either end of that scale).

According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s survey of the rebound literature included in the 2014 Fifth Assessment Report, "the majority of studies" show rebound effects for end-use energy services like heating, cooling, and lighting, "in the region of 20-45% ... meaning that efficiency measures achieve 65-80% of their original purposes." For transportation, the IPCC notes that "there are some studies that support higher rebounds," with one study finding rebounds in transportation eroded more than half of the original energy savings. In industry, rebounds can also be significant, with one study finding a range of 20-70 percent across various industries.

Those figures are for the immediate rebound in demand for more efficient energy services (aka the “direct rebound”), and they do not include more indirect effects, such as the impact of spending any energy savings on other energy-consuming goods or services or the impact of improving energy productivity on economic growth (and thus energy use) nationwide. Add those factors in, and the total impact of rebound on overall energy demand rises further.

Yet when we think about the importance of rebound effects for climate strategies, the real story is in the developing world. More than 90 percent of energy demand growth over the next two decades will be fueled by the world’s emerging economies, and that’s where demand for energy services is far, far from saturated.

As the IPCC reports, there is thus "evidence to support the claim that rebound effects can be higher in developing countries.”

In the studies I’ve reviewed of rebound after end-use consumer energy services in developing nations (and there are comparatively few for the developing world, a gap that should be a major research priority), the direct rebound effects alone were much higher than in richer nations, on the order of 40-80%.

We should expect â€" and welcome! â€" larger rebounds in developing economies, because demand for energy services is far from saturated, demand is far more elastic (responsive to changes in price), and the cost of energy services is often a key constraint on the enjoyment of energy services.
Since expanding the supply of energy services is also a key constraint on economic activity in developing nations, the macro-economic impact of efficiency improvements in developing economies is also likely to be more significant, helping developing economies grow faster (and thus consume more energy).

This is exactly what Shellenberger and Nordhaus argue in the Times, as they ask us to consider the way ultra-efficient LEDs might “allow poor people to bring modern lighting into their homes much faster than they otherwise would. And … result in faster growth in energy demand globally.”
So how big a deal are rebound effects overall for global climate mitigation efforts?

The best study I’ve seen on this question is by University of Cambridge climate researcher Terry Barker and colleagues. They reanalyzed an efficiency plan from the International Energy Agency and found that rebound effects would erode 52 percent of the energy demand reductions by 2030. By downplaying rebound effects â€" the I.E.A. assumed rebounds were only about 10 percent â€" the influential agency overstated the contribution of efficiency to its climate plans by 88 percent.

There’s also reasons to believe this paper underestimates rebound effects overall. Most importantly, they assume the same, fairly modest degree of direct rebound for rich and poor countries alike, and that’s a poorly supported assumption. So consider this a conservative estimate. The real scale of global rebound from the kind of efficiency measures included in most climate plans is likely to be higher then, perhaps eroding 60 percent or more of expected energy reductions.

To quote my favorite Vice President, that’s “a big f-ing deal.”
The I.E.A. counts on efficiency to deliver the largest share of carbon dioxide reductions in their climate planâ€"more than all renewable energy sources combined, for example.

The I.E.A. is far from alone in banking big on efficiency as a climate tool. I recently completed a paper with Peter Loftus, Armond Cohen, and Jane Long that's been accepted for publication in WIREs: Climate Change later this fall. Our paper reviews 17 global decarbonization scenarios from a range of sources, from individual academics to major international research efforts to environmental groups like Greenpeace and WWF. See the graphic below, which shows the primary energy supply mix for the final year of these scenarios for which the data was available.
rebound effect
Source: Loftus, Cohen, Long & Jenkins (2014), WIREs Climate Change (in press).
Compare the total energy demand in the I.E.A. reference case to each of these scenarios. The gap between total demand in the reference case and each of these other studies is the contribution each plan expects from energy efficiency improvements above and beyond what we would expect in BAU (note that a fair amount of LED adoption and other energy productivity improvements are going to happen as part of any future business-as-usual scenario, precisely because they make such good economic sense!)
Two things are notable:
First, the folks in "Group 4", including the ones that try to show how we can get to deep decarbonization with renewables alone (i.e., Greenpeace/EREC & Jacobson & Dellucchi) depend on efficiency to keep global energy use from growing at all over the next 50 years, despite massive increases in GDP and 2 billion more people on the planet by then. That's a heroic assumption, to say the least!
If you take rebound seriously (these studies don't consider it at all), you quickly come to the conclusion that we really can't bet the planet on renewables and efficiency alone. A more balanced portfolio is needed, and yes, that means making hard choices about nuclear, carbon capture and storage (CCS), etc…

But taking rebound seriously doesn’t just amount to saying "energy efficiency is imperfect and we can't get the climate job done with efficiency and renewables alone."

If you look at all of the other scenarios (except the first EMF22 scenario and Brook study at the top), the energy demand reductions from efficiency are larger than the energy contribution of any single zero-carbon energy source. In many cases much larger. Factoring in a significant rebound effects to most of these scenarios would be like erasing the entire contribution from solar and wind power combined, for example!

Ignoring rebound effects could thus lead global climate efforts to fall far short.
That’s the real motivation for me (and others) to make sure rebound effects are being taken seriously and carefully.

The implications are manifold: we may be significantly underestimating the contributions we need from renewables, nuclear, CCS, etc., and that may affect everything from the allocation of research and demonstration funding to deployment subsidy programs to how we design carbon pricing policies, etc. not to mention how climate advocates allocate their limited political capital and what kind of organizing strategies they adopt.

So let’s be clear: rebound effects are not a problem for energy efficiency. But failing to take rebound seriously would be a huge problem for climate mitigation. And when our planetary future is at stake, that’s a problem we can’t afford to ignore.
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Paterson's Plan for CO2 Emission Reductions

Owen Paterson, who served as the UK’s environment secretary until a cabinet realignment during the summer of 2014, is planning to begin advocating a dramatic course change for his country’s energy policy. Instead of the wind-heavy plan that was developed by the Department of Energy and Climate Change (Decc) in order to attempt to implement the legally binding goals of the UK’s Climate Change Act of 2008, he believes a combination of additional nuclear energy, natural gas, and demand management would be more affordable and more effective at reducing emissions while maintaining grid reliability.

As reported in an October 11 article in the Telegraph titled Scrap the Climate Change Act to keep the lights on, says Owen Paterson, Paterson voted for the Climate Change Act in 2008 and publicly supported its provisions until recently.
Offshore wind farm
100 MWe maximum capacity
During a trip to the British countryside, Paterson saw for himself the massive disruption required by a system that includes a large portion of unreliable, low energy-density wind. He engaged with a number of electricity system and power generation experts to find out that the future grid as currently planned would also be incapable of meeting power demands around the clock.
The Telegraph article points out that achieving 2050 goals based on the current plan would require installation of an average of 2,500 large wind turbines every year for 36 years and is estimated to cost £1,100 billion. That enormous investment would buy a supply system that cannot meet emission targets or provide reliable electricity sufficient to meet the country’s needs.

Paterson’s proposal, as described in more detail in an accompanying October 11 Telegraph comment by Christopher Booker titled Global warming: Can Owen Paterson save us from an unimaginable energy disaster?, will include adding systems to existing natural gas-fired power plants that will capture their waste heat and use it for useful purposes. The usual terms applied to such systems are “combined heat and power” or cogeneration.

It will also include a plan to build numerous small modular reactors (SMR) that can be built close to load centers. Those SMRs will require less dependence on transmission lines and pylons than the capture of diffuse wind by enormous turbines that must be installed where the wind blows, even if that is hundreds of miles from where people live and work. In the article, the SMRs are described as being similar to the machines that have been built by Rolls Royce to power British submarines for the past 50 years, but I suspect that other SMR designs would also be considered.

Paterson will point out that the often touted technology of carbon capture and storage (CCS) does not exist and may never exist in a form that enables affordable power production.
 
Both the existing plan and Paterson’s new plan rely heavily on computer driven grid management to reduce overall capacity requirements by cutting power to appliances at selected times of heavy demand.
 
Paterson’s plan will be more fully revealed in a speech scheduled to be delivered on Wednesday to the Global Warming Policy Foundation.

Hat tip to Scott Luft’s Cold Air Currents for pointing out the importance of this development in the UK’s continuing energy and climate discussion.
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Has OPEC Check Mated US Shale Producers





Crude prices have been tumbling lately.
Brent crude, the global barometer, fell below $90/ bbl while WTI has tumbled lower to about $85/bbl. Pundits who extol conventional wisdom have been in a froth. As giddiness about US shale production emerged over the past few years, these pundits proclaimed that the shale revolution would make the world awash in oil but prices would not come down due to geopolitical events. This is a typically narcissistic view. They recently began boasting that the U.S. had now passed Saudi Arabia and Russia to become the world’s largest producer. What they neglected to brag about are the underlying fundamentals of this shale revolution: the junk debt, the deteriorating financials, the rapid depletion of wells and the difficulty of raising capital as large sophisticated investors quietly exit the back door. But perhaps most damning is the comparison of costs with Saudi and Russian projects. This is truly the Achilles heel of US tight oil. An aspect which typical conventional wisdom pundits in the US rarely address. And this has more to do with the decline in crude prices than they care to admit.

The math is really quite simple. If you’re in business to sell hydrocarbons, the point is to extract them at the most cost effective price, have long term supplies that are dependable and then control supply to effectively manage the market price. OPEC is very good at just this sort of model. So faced with the prospect of losing market share to tight oil producers in the US, OPEC has simply taken the most prudent business decision. Keep the taps open. Why? Because U.S. tight oil producers really can’t compete in the global markets in spite of all the hyperbole. Their costs are just too high. And OPEC knows this.

IEA, the International Energy Agency based in Paris which analyzes the global crude markets, stated in a recent report that U.S. tight oil costs an average of ~$85/bbl. Other market analysts put this figure much higher even exceeding $110/bbl. Juxtapose this with the cost of a barrel of Saudi crude which is estimated to cost about $10-25/bbl. Therein lies the problem. In order to protect market share, the Saudi’s have decided to keep producing at current levels. They are still making a good profit whereas the U.S. producers cannot break even with crude below an average of $80/bbl at best.
Bakken and Eagle Ford operators have quickly announced that they will curtail CAPEX in 2015. A little too quickly. Their desperation is showing. They know that OPEC can keep prices low for an extended period of time which will have dire consequences for companies that have been much too willing to assume large amounts of debt on wells that had marginal production profiles. US producers may be bluffing. It would not be the first time that operators had  bluffed in the hope that they could stabilize prices. They did it in 2012 when once again they glutted the markets with natural gas and prices plunged. In the end, however, it was revealed that they had not really shut in production at all because their debt levels were too high and they had to meet debt service. This same scenario could  very well play out again as tight oil  producers are awash in debt.

There are additional problems as well. Based on historical production filed with regulatory entities, both the Bakken and Eagle Ford per well production peaked in mid-June 2010. Although the number of wells has grown significantly, operators have not been able to raise per well production. Moreover, EIA monthly drilling reports show both fields needing in excess of 70% of all new production just to off set declines in older wells. Without a very high crude price, in excess of $85/ bbl, perhaps even higher, drilling will have to be curtailed and production will fall like the proverbial lead balloon. And all the giddy claims will be exposed.

What is perhaps most interesting of all is that these same pundits and industry executives apparently actually thought that OPEC would cut production and keep prices high. Naïveté? Perhaps. Then again, maybe this has been a superb game of chess all along with OPEC members merely biding their time and waiting until US operators had over leveraged their balance sheets, exhausted institutional investor confidence and yet truly believed their own PR.
Only time will tell. In the meantime, those debt payments have to be made.
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Scottish Government Gives Go-Ahead To 4 New Giant Offshore Wind Projects

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Four gigantic new wind energy projects are now set to be developed off the coast of Scotland as per the recent decision by the Scottish Government to give them the green light.

Altogether, the four projects in question â€" the Neart Na Gaoithe project being developed by Mainstream Renewable Energy; the Inch Cape project being developed by Repsol Nuevas Energias UK and EDPR; and the Seagreen Alpha and Seagreen Bravo projects being developed by SSE and Fluor â€" will represent roughly 2.2 GW of new wind energy capacity if built.
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Once completed, the projects will represent a major step towards Scotland’s goal of being powered 100% by renewable electricity by 2020. As well as, for that matter, a big increase in the country’s wind energy infrastructure €" currently Scotland is home to only one commercial-scale wind energy project.

There are a number of other projects currently under development in addition these four, though. Altogether, a total of 4.15 GW of wind energy projects have been approved in Scotland.

The Scottish government is expecting an economic boom worth £314 million to £1.2 billion for these projects.

€œThe Scottish Government was angered at the start of this year when none of its projects was chosen for initial support under the new Contract for Difference (CfD) regime. SSE'€™s Beatrice Wind farm eventually bagged a contract after two other developers dropped out of the race, but the Scottish government remains concerned that its schemes could miss out in future auctions, Business Green reports. €œEnergy Minister Fergus Ewing said the decision today was designed to give these four projects a better chance of securing a CfD contract.
 
Ewing also made it clear that he viewed Westminster’s recently approved plans to provide financing to aid the construction of two new nuclear reactors at Hinkley Point (£24.5 billion) very poorly.
“The level of support available to the offshore renewables sector sits in stark contrast to the unprecedented financial backing being offered to new nuclear plants, with a possible £35 billion subsidy for the new Hinkley Point C station alone in addition to a £10 billion loan guarantee,” Ewing stated.

"€œThis inevitably means that growth in green energy will be restricted, a sector where Scotland has a competitive advantage."

There'™s a great deal of frustration over the massive subsidies being promised to Hinkley Point C, as well as what look to be a couple of lawsuits. Not only is the disagreement about whether or not nuclear reactors are “green,” they are also extremely expensive, and subsidies don’t lead to industry cost reductions like they do with wind and solar power. We’ll have more articles coming in the coming days about Hinkley Point C.

Overall, it's great to see Scotland moving forward with such ambitious offshore wind energy plans. The UK as a whole has more offshore wind power installed than the entire rest of the world, but there are still a great deal of wind resources of the Scottish shore waiting to be tapped.
Image Credit: Siemens

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Saudi Arabia Still Calling the Shots

The US Shale Oil Boom

There have been a lot of stories over the past few years about the implications of the US shale boom. To review for those who might have been living in a cave for the past 5 years, the marriage of horizontal drilling and hydraulic fracturing (fracking) has reversed 40 years of declining US oil production and created a shale oil and gas boom.

As amazing as it would have seemed a decade ago, US oil production is increasing at the fastest pace in US history. In the past 5 years US oil production has increased by 3.22 million barrels per day (bpd). The overall global oil production increase during that time was only 3.85 million bpd, meaning the US was responsible for 83.6 percent of the total global increase over the past 5 years.
US Oil Production 1965 through 2013 Fracking

This resurgence in US oil production has had a number of implications. One has been that US oil imports have declined. Thus, even though the US has an oil export ban in place (which has had the impact of discounting US crude relative to globally traded crudes), global oil supplies have nevertheless increased as oil exporters sought other outlets to replace the declining US business. This has weakened the pricing power of OPEC.

Shale Oil Economics

The shale boom was enabled by high oil prices. The cost of production for shale oil is higher than for most onshore conventional oil, and therefore high prices were needed to encourage shale oil production. How high? Estimates vary, but a couple of years ago the marginal cost for shale oil was estimated to be around $100/bbl. That cost has been declining as drillers implemented improvements like multi-pad drilling, and today is probably ~$80/bbl. With the price of West Texas Intermediate hovering around $80/bbl, the market price of crude oil in the productive shale regions has slipped below $80/bbl (due to the need to transport it to market, it generally trades at a discount to WTI).
What does this mean? If the price of oil falls below the break even level for an extended period of time, marginal producers will begin shutting down and lower cost producers will likely reduce their spending on new exploration and drilling. The current expansion of US oil production would then stall sooner than expected.

Who would benefit if this happened? In the long run, Saudi Arabia, other OPEC producers, and Russia. The world’s other major oil producers have watched US oil production grow, and it looks like they might finally be ready to do something about it.

Saudi'€™s Three Options

When you think about it from Saudi Arabia’s perspective, they have three choices. They can choose to do nothing, in which case oil prices might weaken as long as long as US production continues to grow. At the rate the US is going, we threaten to overtake Saudi Arabia as the world’s largest oil producer within the next few years ago. A few years ago I would have been incredulous at this notion, but at this point I can’t say that’s impossible.

Saudi can also convince OPEC producers to cut production in order to support current oil prices. This will force them to give up some revenue, but again, if US oil production continues to increase OPEC may be forced to keep cutting oil production for the next few years in order to maintain global oil prices. As with the previous option, this benefits US oil producers.

Their third option does not benefit US oil producers. Saudi could attempt to reduce the price of oil until shale oil production starts to become uneconomic. Saudi Arabia has been accused of using oil in the past as an economic weapon. In the present case, it would mean short term pain for OPEC, but if they can stop the momentum of the shale oil boom then OPEC would regain some of its pricing power. Saudi Arabia reportedly needs oil prices between $80 and $90/bbl to balance its budget, and if they can short-circuit the US shale boom they will have more influence in ensuring they can set the price where they want.

This third option looks increasingly like Saudi Arabia’s strategy. Reuters reported this week that Saudi Arabia has been quietly telling the oil market that it would accept oil prices as low as $80 for up to two years. If this is the case, and Saudi Arabia manages to hold oil prices at $80, the result may be lower US oil production in future years than would have otherwise been the case. Saudi Arabia would once more be entrenched as the most powerful country when it comes to setting the price of oil.

Conclusions

As I have argued in the past, I view it as a serious national security concern when a country could bring the US economy to its knees overnight. Saudi Arabia still wields significant pricing power, but that power has weakened in recent years. If they win a price war with US shale oil producers, consumers will benefit at the pump while the war wages, but at a cost of putting more long-term pricing power in the hands of Saudi Arabia.

Whether we do it with increased oil production, lower oil consumption through higher fuel efficiency and alternative energy â€" or some combination, we need to make sure our energy policies do not put the future of the US economy back in the hands of countries that do not have the best interests of the US at heart. For some additional perspective on this issue, see my colleague Jennifer Warren’s article The OPEC Oil Market Gambit.
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Wind is the World’s Cheapest Source of Energy According to EU Report


Onshore wind EU 1
A report prepared for the European Commission has found that onshore wind power provides the cheapest source of energy once external factors such as air quality, health impacts and expenditure, and the costs of climate change are taken into consideration. The report’s authors found that onshore wind costs around $133 per MW/h to produce, whereas gas and coal cost up to $208 and $295 per MW/h each. However, continuing a controversy that shadowed the Commission last year, extracts from the report have already been published that fail to include the external costs, which is where many of the subsidies to coal, gas and nuclear are made.


Onshore wind EU
The report was prepared for the EC by consultancy firm Ecofys and gives a detailed account of the historical subsidies paid to coal, gas and nuclear power generators. When these subsidies are not taken into account, fossil fuels and nuclear appear more cost-effective than they really are. As Frauke Thies, policy director for the European Photovoltaic Industry Association told the Guardian: “Despite decades of heavy subsidies, mature coal and nuclear energy technologies are still dependent on similar levels of public support as innovative solar energy is receiving today. The difference is that costs of solar continue to decrease rapidly. If the unaccounted external costs to society are included, the report demonstrates that support to fossil fuels and nuclear even by far exceeds that to solar.” Solar, offshore wind and nuclear power all costed out at around $158 per MW/h in the report.

Related: UK Government to Scrap Subsidies For Onshore Wind Farms By 2020
EU energy commissioner Gunther Oettinger says the report, titled “Subsidies and costs of EU energy,” is only “a first step” in gaining a better understanding of the impacts of energy subsidies and that further reports will follow. However, the EU has already released some results from the report without including the fossil fuel industry’s free carbon allowances. These figures showed that renewable energy took $48.5 billion of public subsidies in 2012, compared to $28.2 billion for gas, coal and nuclear. The EU release conceded the figures did “not reflect the free allocation of emission certificates nor tax support for energy consumption. Including these factors would reduce the gap between support for renewables and other power generation technologies.”
Controversially, last year German paper Suddeutche Zeitung reported that Oettinger had tried to have 2011 subsidy figures deleted from a report that showed that renewable energy received subsidies on a par with the fossil fuel and nuclear industries. The figures indicated fossil fuels received $33 billion in public subsidies, nuclear power $44.3 billion and renewables $38 billion. However, indirect support to cover the health and social effects of coal and gas came to another $50.7 billion, and the nuclear industry’s “calamity insurance” wasn’t included in its $44.3 billion.
Via The Guardian
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Hyundai Plug-In Hybrid Planned For Next Year



hyundai-blue-will-concept

Hyundai and its corporate cousin Kia are planning to launch a pair of plug-in hybrid cars according to the Korean Car Blog, fueling rumors that a new Prius fighter is coming from the brand. Is it finally happening?
The evidence is flimsy, but it’s there according to the KBC, which quotes Hyundai R&D vice chairman Yang Woong-Chul as saying;
“We will roll out a plug-in hybrid model of Sonata and K5 next year. Since we will use locally made engines, inverters and batteries, we expect them to have strong price competitiveness.”
So far though that’s all we’ve got aside from a few other scattered mentions of a potential plug-in hybrid. Back in 2009 the Hyundai Blue-Will concept was the company’s first entry into the hybrid car market, and in 2010 came the Sonata Hybrid (for the 2011 model year). Since then though the only other electrified vehicle has been the Kia Soul EV, a car with limited availability and appeal at the moment.

A plug-in hybrid, however, is both cheaper and more versatile than your run-of-the-mill EV, and Hyundai/Kia already struck a battery deal with fellow South Korean company SK Innovation. While Hyundai is late to the game, they’ve become a force to reckon with in the automotive world and have given other carmakers something to look out for. A lower cost plug-in hybrid could shake things up if priced right.

However, Hyundai has expressed a keen interest in hydrogen fuel cell vehicles over EVs as a replacement for gasoline, which could be fueling their trepidation when it comes to plug-in vehicles. With the brand split over which way to go, can it deliver the kind of plug-in car it needs to be competitive in a growing marketplace?

Keep up to date with all the hottest cleantech news by subscribing to our (free) cleantech newsletter, or keep an eye on sector-specific news by getting our (also free) solar energy newsletter, electric vehicle newsletter, or wind energy newsletter.

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Microgrids Can Serve Multiple Purposes With The Right Policy Frameworks

Microgrid policy innovation
Remember the old beer commercial with the “tastes great….less filling” debate? Microgrids provoke a multitude of views in the USA.   For the Department of Energy, developing advanced microgrids holds the promise of building new electricity resources for customers, the community and the macrogrid. For the Department of Defense, microgrids deliver energy security for military bases and mobile operations. Massachusetts thinks of microgrids as enabling environments for regulatory reform. New York, in the midst of its initiative to redefine utility business models, considers microgrids as good platforms for distributed energy resources (DER). California, on the other hand, sees microgrids as crucial to supporting the integration of renewable generation into the grid.

Larisa Dobriansky, Senior Vice President, Legal, Policy and Regulatory Affairs for General MicroGrids has excellent perspectives on how microgrids can serve in these capacities. Based on her extensive knowledge of microgrid design and deployment around the globe, she notes that microgrids can become a third element in grid modernization efforts. Smart microgrids could help to contribute to a new flexible, resilient and transactive electric power value chain. Both upstream and downstream, smart microgrids could play a role in transforming our power system, using smart technologies to enable new functions and capabilities “end to end,” from source to sink.

Federal and State governments in the United States are funding pilots to assess how smart microgrids could be deployed strategically to harness cost-effectively the benefits of dispersed distributed resources and manage load; support markets for new resources; and apply information and communications technologies to advance intelligent distributed energy management strategies in developing new power infrastructure. However, sound policy enabling frameworks, at both the federal and state governmental levels, will be needed to support investments in smart microgrids â€" policy, legal, regulatory and institutional changes that can recognize and fully take into account the benefits and value that smart microgrid and distributed resource solutions can generate. To begin with, consistent definitions of microgrids and smart microgrids are needed.

Microgrids not only trigger different views of their primary benefits to a grid, microgrid definitions have been evolving too. A microgrid has traditionally been defined in the Smart Grid Dictionary as a small power system that integrates self-contained generation, distribution, sensors, energy storage, and energy management software with a seamless and synchronized connection to a utility power system, and can operate independently as an island from that system. Generation includes renewable energy sources and the ability to sell back excess capacity to a utility.

However, in developing economies, microgrids may be helping to eliminate energy poverty, and thus have a different degree of technological sophistication. The soon to be released 6th Edition of the Smart Grid Dictionary contains a new definition for a Smart Microgrid. It is a term used to differentiate the technological sophistication of a microgrid.   In developed economies with well-established grids, it is presumed that any microgrid embeds Smart Grid technologies. In the developing economies with immature grid infrastructure, a microgrid may contain distributed sources of generation, and energy storage but exclude the advanced communications overlay that makes a grid a Smart Grid.

As a side note, it is important to acknowledge that even in the case of off-grid rural electrification, “smart” (ICT) technologies could be deployed to help build smart clusters of villages through networks of distributed infrastructure consisting of local microgrid cells.

Larisa Dobriansky will be presenting some case studies in the Building Resiliency with Microgrids conference track managed by Christine Hertzog at European Utility Week on November 5. Join them there to learn more about the resiliency solutions that microgrids deliver on a global basis.
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The Case for Electric Vehicles, Part 1: The Driving Experience

Electronic Car Maker Telsa Reports Quarterly Earnings
I recently had the opportunity to test drive the Tesla Model S P85, the high-performance version of the highly acclaimed all-electric luxury sedan. Like many drivers of the Model S, I was thoroughly impressed by the performance of this machine and after examining the engineering I am increasingly convinced that electric vehicles (EVs) are the future for automobiles. I will examine the case for EVs in a two part article.

The push towards EVs has mostly been driven by environmental concerns, the desire to limit CO2 emissions driving climate change as well as limiting harmful air pollution from the combustion of gasoline and diesel fuel. Energy security concerns and the desire to break the grip of petroleum on transportation markets are also part of the EV agenda. But why would a driver who is either unconcerned or uninformed about the environment and geopolitics of oil want to drive an EV?
My thesis is that superior driving performance and soon-to-be realized lower cost of ownership will make EVs and Hybrid-EVs the default choice for all drivers in the coming years. It will take time for the transition to occur but similar technology transitions have happened many times over and are ultimately driven by favorable economics as technology matures.
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Tesla Model S P85, photo by author
EV’s are defined by having an electric motor for propulsion and battery pack to store electricity that is charged from the power grid. Hybrid-EV’s come in many varieties that use an internal combustion engine (ICE) as either parallel drive train or as an electric generator or combination thereof. For my purposes I will define a Hybrid-EV as a vehicle that uses the electric motor for the drive train and ICE as an electric generator to charge the batteries.

The Chevy Volt is the most popular Hybrid-EV using a gasoline generator and has been very popular with drivers. Assuming that liquid hydrocarbons retain their decisive advantages over batteries in energy density and refueling times, there will continue to be a role for hydrocarbons in high horsepower and long distance applications such as big trucks, ships and airplanes, but electric motors provide their own advantages in torque and precision control. Locomotives pulling trains have used electric motors coupled with diesel generators since the 1950’s to create 5,000 horsepower and more, demonstrating that there are no practical limits in power and performance to Hybrid-EV engineering.
An electric drive train provides a noticeably different driving experience from an ICE vehicle. The hallmark of the EV is the instant torque that the electric motor provides when the accelerator is pressed, delivering immediate power and acceleration to the wheels. Building up speed in a conventional ICE vehicle requires the engine to wind up and for the transmission to progress through a series of gears. The feeling of shifting through gears is familiar to anyone who has ridden in a normal car, but the EV feels totally different and is particularly noticeable in the high performance P85 version of the Model S. There is only one gear in the Tesla and no transmission, when the driver presses on the pedal 270kW of power is immediately fed to the wheels generating 443 pound-feet of torque and 416 horsepower. The car does 0-60 mph in 4.2 seconds which is very fast and it is easy to make passengers’ heads snap back. Tesla engineers were concerned with not providing too much power that could cause the tires to spin and the car to lose control.
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Graphics by Tesla
For my drive, I took the Model S from the downtown Washington D.C. showroom and out into Virginia along the beautiful George Washington Parkway following the Potomac River. From a red light it took just a slight touch of the pedal to get the car up to speed leaving nearby cars behind. On the highway, at 60 mph the car leaps up to 80 when you need to pass. No timing of the engine is needed, no shifting gears, just immediate power. But for all that speed the car sticks to the road, the Model S is noticeably heavy and feels solid as the battery pack is a third of the weight of the car and is located across the bottom of the frame lowering the center of gravity. The Tesla is thrilling to drive and impossible for auto enthusiasts to ignore.

The second hallmark of an EV is the silence, the motor makes virtually no noise (and no noxious exhaust). The first time I started the car I did not even realize it was on. I pulled through the parking garage and it felt like I was coasting in neutral. The effect was downright strange when I began going up the ramp to get out on to the street. The car is just quiet and still. Once moving at highway speeds there is of course some road vibration and barely perceptible wind noise, but with the air suspension the ride is very smooth and overall quiet.

The third difference when driving an EV is the regenerative braking which uses the motor to slow down the car and recharge the batteries instead of using the normal wheel brakes. Regenerative braking has been around for years on hybrids like the Toyota Prius and is not new to Tesla. For the driver it gives the feeling of a noticeable slowdown when your foot is removed from the accelerator, it takes a little getting used to and adjustment to keep the car moving smoothly in traffic. The benefit is that it recharges the battery and saves wear on the brake pads extending their life. The display shows the charge going back into the battery and the regenerative braking can be turned off with a button depending on driving conditions. It is fun when you can see that you are saving power and it is said that in stop-and-go traffic it is possible to use barely any battery power, unlike an ICE vehicle which burns fuel in traffic.

While all that high performance is a lot of fun, the down side of EV'€™s is range and recharging. Aside from the Tesla, all the EV’s and hybrids on the market today are small cars with battery packs less than 30 kWh and electric ranges less than 100 miles. Vehicles with these specs are suitable for daily errands and commuting, but not suitable for road trips or high horsepower work. Numerous studies have demonstrated that 80% or more of daily mileage in personal vehicles are distances under 50 miles that are readily accommodated by EV’s. The 85kWh battery on the Tesla is rated at 265 miles of range with reports of some drivers getting over 300 miles. Hybrids with a fuel generator extend the range and power and allow refueling at gas stations.

Recharging infrastructure is actively being built out, but it will take some time for complete market penetration. Standard AC electrical outlets can be used and the higher the amperage the faster the charge. The J1772 connector is the North American standard for all EV'€™s and can utilize 120V or 240V current up to 80 Amps. While a typical 110V/12A household wall outlet offers little more than a trickle charge, a standard 240V/24A outlet used for appliances is reasonable for a complete charge in a few hours and is easy for a homeowner to install. Tesla offers an option of outfitting the car with dual chargers that allows for twice as fast charging if 80A power is available, but public charging stations vary in the amperage they provide.

DC High Speed charging bypasses the AC-DC rectifier and charges batteries directly but currently suffers from competing technical standards. Japanese developed CHAdeMO is favored by Nissan, Mitsubishi and Toyota while the J1772 Combo standard is backed by GM, Ford, VW and BMW. Tesla’s proprietary Supercharger (480V/200A) is the fastest of all and they have opened up their patents in hopes of becoming the new industry standard. High-speed charging offers 80% charges in 20-40 minutes, charging times vary by how charged the battery is, slowing down as the battery approaches full.
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Tesla Supercharger Station, photo by Tesla
Early adopters of EVs must navigate the hassles of incomplete charging infrastructure and competing high-speed charging standards. These practical issues will be sorted out in time though, as it is in the interests of both the industry and consumers to adopt a common standard for DC high-speed charging that will allow robust networks to be built out and reasonable recharges for drivers in the time it takes to have a meal or complete a shopping trip. Gas station owners should be worried since charging stations are much cheaper to build and operate and can be widely dispersed throughout communities. EVs will change the relationship car owners have with refueling as they become accustomed to charging at home or in parking lots without special trips to the gas station. Lack of charging infrastructure is a short-term disadvantage to EVs but in time EVs will likely prove easier to “refuel”.
Metered charging is a business opportunity for garage owners and power utilities. Street side charging requires a more expensive investment but municipalities may feel justified in contributing to the cost due to the reduction in air pollution and improvement in air quality. Air pollution is a major source of illness and health care costs and EVs provide an obvious means to improve the public health situation.

While critics may dismiss the driving performance of the Tesla Model S by saying it is merely an expensive toy, I believe it is the vanguard of emerging technology. Imitators and competitors can replicate most, if not all, of what Tesla has achieved and as manufacturing expands, costs will come down. Conventional ICE vehicles have been manufactured for decades with intense efforts by major industries to reduce costs and improve performance. Given time, EVs will benefit from the same level of attention and they will become common. Thrilling driving performance combined with clear public health and environmental benefits ensure there will be continued efforts to reduce EV costs and expand charging infrastructure.
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The Multibillion Dollar Question: How to Spend Carbon Revenues?

Debates over carbon pricing policies tend to focus on the costs imposed on firms and households. When a carbon tax or cap and trade program is introduced, firms see energy-related operating costs rise, drivers pay (cents) more at the pump, households see the prices of energy €" and energy-intensive goods €" tick up.

On the flip side, in addition to reducing harmful emissions, these policies generate revenues.  Estimates of the total value of revenues from the auctioning of emissions allowances in the European Union'€™s Emission Trading Scheme are estimated to be around ‚¬10 billion annually. In California, lawmakers expect sales of greenhouse gas pollution permits to bring in $5 billion annually.

By now you may be wondering €" where is all this money going? The answer varies across the jurisdictions that are implementing carbon pricing policies. This week'€™s blog takes a look at how two very different revenue recycling policies are panning out.

How should we be spending carbon $$ (in theory)
Over the past decade, economists have been busy analyzing the implications of different uses of carbon revenues, paying particular attention to how carbon pricing policies interact with pre-existing taxes. The policy recommendations that emerge from these studies depend critically on what policy makers are trying to achieve.

Model 1: If minimizing the economic costs imposed by the carbon pricing policy is the primary concern, substituting carbon for distortionary taxes on capital produces the largest economic cost savings. Recent work by Dale Jorgensen and co-authors suggests that if carbon revenues are used to offset taxation of capital spending, the performance of the overall economy (in terms of GDP) could actually improve under a carbon tax.

Model 2: If policy makers are concerned about the equitable distribution of policy impacts across different income/demographic groups, there is a case to be made for reductions in payroll taxes, or even targeted transfers, to correct for the regressivity of a carbon tax (i.e. taking a larger percentage of a lower-income and a smaller percentage of a higher income) and/or meet re-distributional objectives.

Model 3: If policy makers are losing sleep over budget deficits, carbon revenues can be used to offset increases in capital, labor, or consumption taxes that would otherwise be needed to balance the budget.  Here again, offsets to capital tax increases provide the largest economic benefits, followed by labor taxes, consumption taxes, and lump-sum transfers.

Model 4: If concerns about global climate change are paramount, tax revenues can be used to support the research and development of clean energy research, development, and deployment that many see as essential inputs to meaningful climate change mitigation in the long run.

How should we be spending carbon $$ (in public opinion)
Whereas economists see the costs and benefits of many options, public opinion on how revenues should be spent appears less equivocal.

A group of political scientists â€" including my former Michigan colleague Barry Rabe  â€" recently conducted a national survey to gauge public support for a carbon tax. The survey asked several questions about “support for a tax on carbon-based fuels such as coal, oil, and natural gas”.  They find that the level of support for the tax varies significantly with the choice of how to allocate revenues:
rabe
What is particularly striking about these results is the extent to which tying revenues to a particular use €" renewable energy investment in particular â€" increases support for the carbon tax.

How are carbon $$ actually being spent  (in practice)
Carbon pricing is underway! Here on the west coast, between California and British Columbia, we are seeing some real live experimentation with hybrid-versions of the four models summarized above.

I was fortunate enough to spend some time recently in British Columbia, home to old growth forests, humpback whales, and a revenue neutral carbon tax.  I seized the opportunity to play carbon tax tourist and ask lots of questions.

The BC carbon tax is pegged at CDN $30/tonne  CO2e (approximately $27 US). To put this in some perspective, the tax adds about 25 cents per gallon. For a fascinating account of the mechanics and politics of the BC carbon tax, read this paper.

When the carbon tax was first introduced, the provincial government made a commitment to return carbon tax income to BC residents via tax reductions and lump-sum payments. The enacting legislation actually threatens to reduce the Finance Minister’s salary by 15% should he fail to deliver on this revenue neutrality promise.  To date, the finance minister is still getting paid; all tax revenues have been “recycled” through a number of tax channels. Initially two thirds of the tax cuts went to individuals (including a low income tax credit and reductions in personal income taxes) and one third to firms via corporate tax reductions. Over time, the share of tax cuts flowing to the business community has increased to more than half.

Of course, it is difficult to know for certain whether these tax cuts would have happened even without the carbon tax. What we do know is that distortionary taxes have been reduced as the carbon tax increased. A recent paper suggests these changes in the tax structure have been progressive. Moreover, my very unscientific polling of whoever would talk to me about carbon taxation suggests that the Canadian-on-the-street understands how carbon tax revenues are being spent and believes that this approach is working. Oh Canada!

Next stop, California

The politics of the California cap-and-trade-program, constraints imposed by the state’s constitution, and a host of other complicating factors have given rise to a very different allocation of carbon revenues in California as compared to BC. Currently, a majority of permits are allocated for free as a form of industrial assistance, allocated to utilities on behalf of ratepayers (Californians, look out for your lump sum climate credit this month) or set aside as a cost-containment reserve. The remainder are sold at auction to generate revenues.

By law, permit auction revenues are deposited into a Greenhouse Gas (GHG) Reduction Fund to be used to support projects and programs that reduce GHG emissions; 25 percent of all revenues must benefit disadvantaged communities.  Although this may sound straightforward in principle, implementing this in practice has been messy.  Facing major budgetary challenges , the 2013-14 Budget Act loaned $500 million in auction revenues to the General Fund.  In June, California passed a state budget that allocates a quarter of cap-and-trade revenues to help pay for a highly controversial high-speed rail project.

Critics of the carbon pricing policies look at this and see a gravy train… “a massive new scheme of general taxation to be used for the whims and wish lists of the politicians.”  The Legislative Analysts Office, in addition to several environmental groups,  have argued that it is very hard to justify devoting scarce climate funds toward a new high-speed rail system on the grounds that it’s the most effective way to reduce carbon emissions.

Regional experimentation with carbon pricing policies has the potential to successfully demonstrate proof of critical policy concepts, increasing the likelihood that other jurisdictions will follow suit.  Economists have demonstrated how the allocation of carbon revenues generated by carbon pricing can significantly affect the success of  the policy in theory. Political scientists are highlighting how the choice of how to allocate revenues significantly affects the political feasibility and durability of the policy. In sum, these spending choices are an important part of the larger policy picture.

British Columbia is successfully demonstrating a disciplined approach to ensuring that carbon tax revenues offset other tax distortions. In contrast, California is aiming to spend revenues on climate change mitigation programs and technologies. This approach resonates in principle with a majority of voters.  But in terms of demonstrating this model in practice, so far not so good.  California needs a more measured and less political system of allocating carbon revenues to meet important policy goals.
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People's Climate March and Conservatives: Should Naomi Klein and Bill McKibben Engage the Political Right?


This is a joint post with Andrew Cheon, a PhD Candidate in Political Science at Columbia University. Cheon and Urpelainen are working on a book on activism against fossil fuels and joined the People’€™s Climate March both as concerned citizens and academic researchers.
On September 21, hundreds of thousands joined the People’€™s Climate March (PCM) in New York City. While the marchers were a diverse group, it was diversity among liberals and leftists. The anti-globalization, anti-corporate, anti-agribusiness, socialist, and labor activists were all there in large numbers, making a lot of noise.
Even among the large number of ordinary New Yorkers who joined the march, liberal political views were strong. We did some short surveys of a random sample of participants to understand why they joined the march. We’€™re still processing the data, but it’€™s already obvious that almost everyone from the march identifies with the political left. So far, we have yet to see a single marcher who identifies with the political right.
The leftist bias of the PCM is not surprising. Most activists against climate change are liberals and progressives. Conservatives in the United States often associate climate activism with the liberal agenda. While climate change need not be a political issue, in practice it’€™s a much higher priority to left-wing than to right-wing activists.

But is the leftist bias a problem? Some commentators seem to believe so. According to Sieren Ernst, the PCM could have reached conservatives with more cautious messaging and steering clear of the anti-corporate message. Ernst disagrees with Grist’€™s David Roberts, who earlier wrote that the PCM cannot change climate politics in America because conservatives are beyond the reach of the organizers.

This disagreement is at the heart of the matter. If the PCM could have mobilized masses of conservatives to demand climate action, then it’€™s pretty clear that the organizers should have focused their messaging and framing to create a broad base that includes both the political right and the left. That would have been a huge breakthrough in climate politics.
Unfortunately, it’€™s not that simple. For one, even if Ernst is correct that there are many conservatives who are now concerned about climate change, it doesn’€™t mean that they are willing to head to New York to organize a march.

The organization of the march was a huge effort ‘€" endless meetings and working groups over at least a year ‘€" and the people who contributed were passionate activists. These are not people who just worry about climate change. These are people for whom activism is a lifestyle, a passion, and an obsession.

Any serious effort to reach out to conservatives would have required an extensive network of conservative activists willing to dedicate at least a year of their lives to the march. How many conservatives consider climate change such a top priority? There’€™s a world of difference between accepting the science and devoting countless hours to grassroots activism for a cause.

The second problem is that the organizers of the march are dependent on the people who show up. If an anti-globalization group shows up and contributes time and money to organize the group, what can the organizers do? In some of the organizing events we attended, there were hundreds of groups present. If the organizers had started discriminating against participants based on their political views ‘€" with the obvious exception of, say, hate groups ‘€" the whole effort might have collapsed.
Inclusiveness is both the strength and weakness of grassroots activism. Almost everyone’€™s welcome, and there is no centralized planning committee to decide who can join the march. This means that vocal fringe groups participate. Nobody can stop them.

So, the debate about the PCM and conservatives is largely hypothetical. Everyone agrees that we need more conservative climate activists, but the PCM, by its very nature, was not a great mechanism for reaching conservatives. The PCM achieved its goal of mobilizing liberals and progressives to demand climate action, greatly increasing the salience of climate change in the United States. Given that the PCM was organized by thousands and thousands of passionate liberals and progressives, all with diverse goals and perspectives on climate change and other social issues, their ability to really connect with conservatives was limited.

We absolutely need people who can talk climate science to conservatives, such as the self-identified evangelical and top climate scientist Katharine Hayhoe. In her column, Ernst also notes that climate groups such as Citizens’€™ Climate Lobby are demanding climate action without a liberal or conservative bias. The Energy and Enterprise Initiative at George Mason University, which offers explicitly conservative approaches to climate policy, is another notable effort to promote climate change mitigation from a conservative perspective.

However, it’€™s wishful thinking that 350.org and their allies could play this role. If the PCM organizers had tried to reach out to conservatives, they might have alienated their own supporters without convincing conservatives. A staunch conservative probably does not want to hear what Naomi Klein or Bill McKibben has to say about climate change or the future of the American economy.

To end this post on a positive note, we should not forget that radical activism on the liberal side of the political spectrum may itself even contribute to the success of moderate conservatives. If liberal activists are loud and visible, they may actually enhance the political clout of moderate conservative climate activists. In the academic literature, this is called the ‘radical flank effect‘€ (gated content). For example, Martin Luther King was considered a radical by many until Malcolm X and the Black Panthers showed up. The existence of a radical alternative may make a moderate climate activist more acceptable to the public.

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